Making a New Deal
From The Mason Historiographiki
Lizabeth Cohen. Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1990,2008. pp. 526. $24.99. Paper: ISBN 0521715350.
Making A New Deal focuses on the ways in which Chicago’s’ industrial workers created a self identity and then used that individual and collective identity to participate in local, regional and national cultures. Lizabeth Cohen explains how ethnic identity was malleable and adaptable and she looks at mass culture to emphasize her point that these workers had agency and they were both producers and consumers. Using a quasi case study approach, she shows us the workplace, the consumer culture, and especially how the New Deal affected these workers. This social history gives us a bottom up look at the New Deal that is fuller picture of peoples daily lives than previously existed.
Specifically, Cohen wants us to understand, “the significance of mass consumption, the nature of racial and ethnic identity, the social underpinnings of civic engagement, the fate of welfare capitalism, and the gendering of unions and the welfare state.” (p. xxvi) As other critics have pointed out, the gender issue is more complex and perhaps more difficult to source than the consumer culture that is Cohen’s forte. Arguably, Chicago is really the only choice for this type of study starting with the living conditions in the stockyard workers homes and the distinct neighborhoods and ethnic enclaves, like Chicago’s Black Belt. In this ‘new era’, ethnicity came in terms of religion and in the form of self help associations, which is important as these will ultimately be replaced by government programs.
The biggest change for these workers comes in the form of chain stores, nationally distributed products, radio, movies, and advertising. Cohen reminds us that these things were often encountered through a local or ethic lens or mediator (p. 157) and by the end of the era they were household norms. Radio is an excellent example where workers listened to national and local programming and unions sponsored specific shows aimed at winning union members. In her chapter ‘Contested Loyalty at the Workplace’ Cohen shows how workers reacted to the welfare programs and paternalism of the company. Using work stoppages and slow downs, workers were able to gain agency and control over an immediate supervisor and often over management in general. Despite the small victories, the Depression loomed large and workers moved along a continuum from welfare capitalism to the welfare state. Radical groups lost some of their appeal and the Democrats won local elections based on new agendas. Roosevelt became a figure of respect despite the questionable intent of some reform programs, and it was in the union struggle that most workers found a voice.
The CIO worked to win new members and companies like US Steel saw large numbers of workers organize while the NLRB helped ensure that the workplace was more, but never fully, open. The strikes and labor clashes were being driven by these same laborers and they were being supported by both the local and the national. In addition, the union helped integrate some of the neighborhood establishments and helping to support the family. It is here where Cohen sees the connection to women’s roles, noting that packing plants were composed primarily of women. Cohen has painted a full picture of the Chicago working class and their lives, describing how cosmopolitan and sophisticated these workers became during their struggles.
Commentary, Alan S. Brody, Spring, 2011
Lizabeth Cohen has written a great deal about the rise of consumer culture in America and she has revised her introduction for this second edition. Cohen responded in Labor History to her methodology for supporting her claims and making broad based interpretive claims, Specifically, she was criticized for trying to expose the thinking of workers based on her sources such as surveys, etc. I side with Cohen that using purchasing choices and oral histories and survey results form a very valid way to make educated arguments about communities of people. She also responded that her treatment of Blacks did not take into account the limited opportunities of a racist culture, she counters and I agree that by making mainstream choices, Blacks were clamming a part of corporate America and showing their aggregate buying power, a tool they would later use as a form of protest. As she notes, she is a ‘lumper’ historian as opposed to a ‘splitter’ historian – this is not a form of consensus, rather it is an idea that creates homogeneity and then looks at divergence from it. The historiography is richer for it and Cohen’s Consumer Republic will reflect this idea even more fully. This is also a very different look at the New Deal than Jordan A. Schwarz’s The New Dealers’ Power Politics in the Age of Roosevelt (ISBN 0679747818) the difference between ‘top down’ and ‘bottom up’ histories. Aside form the sourcing and approaches and her treatment of gender, Cohen’s work is more focused and attentive to the role that work and the workplace played in peoples lives.
As social history, we tend to focus on the family and the consumer culture without making relationships between choices and events, for example, Cohen reminds us shopping was an important activity and that by looking at the chain stores, we can see how the local ethnic stores had to fight to survive and how they and the chains competed for ‘charity tickets’. By looking at the shop records and union membership, Cohen reminds us that the world of work permeated the workplace and in turn the workplace permeated the home. The rank and file may have lived different lives but the shop floor brought them to a common culture and goal. Because of changes in technology and new programs like time management and efficiency workers had to work together and welfare capitalists also tried to get them to share common recreation and interests like professional sports. (p. 204) Radio also became a unifying factor and this is really an excellent treatment and analysis of a local media specifically targeting working class audiences. This kind of analysis helps us to understand the world that these workers made and the different messages being broadcast both literally and figuratively to them.
After all, these workers were interested in better working conditions and that brought them to the union movement and put them at odds with their employers. The federal government mostly in the form of Roosevelt and he as figure that passes legislation in favor of the union organizers, a totally different kind of reform or Progressivism. While its hard to argue with election results, Cohen looks at photos and speeches that show how willing people were to put their politics on display. The chapter reveals how workers found common ground in union women’s auxiliaries, newspapers, picnincs, outings, sports teams and other activities. Also noteworthy is that some Chicago institutions were integrated because of this activity. The role of ‘relief’ also gets long treatment in this work as a recurring theme and one that causes workers great ambivalence, especially ethnic workers who preferred their local support systems. In the triad of workers, business and government it is the workers who fared the best fro Cohne’s analysis. Recall that she is interested in how identity shaped the events and culture of the New Deal Era and in its many manifestations he has discovered the agency of the working people. As the title indicates, this is the world that workers made, they are given the credit for adopting and adapting to the New Deal.
Andrew Salamone Spring 2016
In Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939, Lizabeth Cohen explored the impact the New Deal had on Chicago’s working class. She examined the ways in which the stresses of the Great Depression interacted to change elements of everyday life including patterns of consumption, entertainment, gender roles, conceptions of race, and voting habits. She contended that Chicago’s industrial workers’ response to the changes wrought by these forces were responsible for the increasing power of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. Specifically, she argued that the unions, through advertising campaigns and social events, forged a “culture of unity” in which racial, religious, and ethnic differences were slowly eroded. Workers adopted what she termed “moral capitalism” in which unions and the federal government were expected to address the welfare of workers, regardless of race, ethnicity, or religion.
Stephanie Seal Walters, Spring 2016
In Making a New Deal, Lizabeth Cohen examines the city of Chicago during through the Great Depression and through progress made by the New Deal. During the Great Depression, laborers in Chicago sought better lives for themselves in the workplace. With industry in the city closely resembling the harsh and dangerous hardships of Upton Sinclair's _The Jungle_, unions became a staple of urban Chigaco life. In fact, Cohen assesses that one in every three industrial workers in Chicago was a member of a union by 1940 (2).
What is interesting about Cohen's book is the close attention paid to the hardships by all of those who were apart of the industrial working class--including men, women, children, and black, white, and immigrant population. Making a New deal explains how industrial workers managed to mass unionize Chicago during the 1930s and how it thrived even more after the creation of the New Deal. Cohen argues that "workers acted politically in the ways they did during the mid-thirties is the change in workers; own orientation during the 1920s and 1930s." (5). Cohen believes that in order to understand why unionization became popular--after being fought against at the turn of the century--is to understand the exact hardships each cultural group faced in industrial communities and in factories. After all, all of these men and women risked their livelihoods (and sometimes lives) to help make their lives and work better for themselves and their coworkers.
In the first part of Making a New Deal, Cohen looks at the pre-unionized Chicago around 1919 and how all races and ethnicities worked together in meat factories and steel manufactories. However, at the end of the day, workers were forced to leave for their separate neighborhoods and spaces. These spaces were separated by three different areas, old immigrant neighborhoods, the Southwest Corridor, and the Black Belt (30). The old immigrant neighborhoods consisted of Little Sicily, Stanislawowo, the Polish downtown, West Town Jewish community and smaller Italian settlements (30). The Southwest Corridor consisted of Irish, German, Polish, and Czech workers who worked in mostly steel and packing factories. Similarly, the Black Belt housed Chicago's black population who flooded Chicago at the turn of the century. They worked mostly in stockyards and packing houses. However, the most important aspect of 1919 for Cohen was the 1919 workers Strike that began in Packingtown. There was an initial attempt to unionize, workers faced losing their jobs and push back from the local government. Therefore it was not successful.
Cohen also acknowledges that unionization was pushed forward due to changes in the local landscape (such as stores, museums, etc), the rise of popularity in radio, and a rise in creating the "American". Media created national identity, which bound people together--regardless of ethnicity. This made things easier for people to come back together in the 1930s to unionize--with the help of the New Deal to force factory owners to give better opportunity to their employees via unions.
Rebecca Adams, Spring 2016
Lizabeth Cohen provides a fascinating case study of the transformation of the working class in Chicago. Beginning with the disintegration of the labor movement following World War I, Cohen traces the changes in the working class that eventually resulted in successful unions and greater involvement in politics as supporters of the Democratic Party. She examines the rise of welfare capitalism in tandem with the support of ethnic institutions in the 1920s. Employers abandoned welfare capitalism in the 30s due to the depression and ethnic institutions began to fail and often found themselves unable to aid their communities as they once did. Workers who had become used to the amenities that came along with these turned to labor unions and the federal government for support. Cohen claims that the mass culture that had proven unsuccessful as unifying diverse ethnic communities in the 20s became more successful during the depression slowly but surely unifying the diverse communities of working class Chicago. This unification aided in the success of labor unions and spurred unprecedented support for the Democratic Party, FDR and the New Deal. Worker began to advocate “moral capitalism” – “a form of capitalism that promised everyone, owner or workers, a fair share” (286).