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Women participated in virtually every aspect of the French Revolution,
but their participation almost always proved controversial. Women's status
in the family, society, and politics had long been a subject of polemics.
In the eighteenth century, those who favored improving the status of women
insisted primarily on women's right to an education (rather than on the
right to vote, for instance, which few men enjoyed). The writers of the
Enlightenment most often took a traditional stance on "the women
question"; they viewed women as biologically and therefore socially
different from men, destined to play domestic roles inside the family
rather than public, political ones. Among the many writers of the Enlightenment,
Jean-Jacques Rousseau published the most influential works on the subject
of women's role in society. In his book Emile, he described his
vision of an ideal education for women. Women should take an active role
in the family, Rousseau insisted, by breast-feeding and educating their
children, but they should not venture to take active positions outside
the home. Rousseau's writings on education electrified his audience, both
male and female. He advocated greater independence and autonomy for male
children and emphasized the importance of mothers in bringing up children.
But many women objected to his insistence that women did not need serious
intellectual preparation for life. Some women took their pleas for education
into the press.
Before 1789 such ideas fell on deaf ears; the issue of women's rights,
unlike the rights of Protestants, Jews, and blacks, did not lead to essay
contests, official commissions, or Enlightenment-inspired clubs under
the monarchy. In part, this lack of interest followed from the fact that
women were not considered a persecuted group like Calvinists, Jews, or
slaves.
Although women's property rights and financial independence met with
many restrictions under French law and custom, most men and women agreed
with Rousseau and other Enlightenment thinkers that women belonged in
the private sphere of the home and therefore had no role to play in public
affairs. Most of France's female population worked as peasants, shopkeepers,
laundresses, and the like, yet women were defined primarily by their sex
(and relationship in marriage) and not by their own occupations.
The question of women's rights thus trailed behind in the agitation for
human rights in the eighteenth century. But like all the other questions
of rights, it would get an enormous boost during the Revolution. When
Louis XVI agreed to convoke a meeting of the Estates-General for May 1789
to discuss the financial problems of the country, he unleashed a torrent
of public discussion. The Estates-General had not met since 1614, and
its convocation heightened everyone's expectations for reform. The King
invited the three estatesthe clergy, the nobility, and the Third
Estate (made up of everyone who was not a noble or a cleric)to elect
deputies through an elaborate, multilayered electoral process and to draw
up lists of their grievances. At every stage of the electoral process,
participants (mainly men but with a few females here and there at the
parish level meetings) devoted considerable time and political negotiation
to the composition of these lists of grievances. Since the King had not
invited women to meet as women to draft their grievances or name delegates,
a few took matters into their own hands and sent him petitions outlining
their concerns. The modesty of most of these complaints and demands demonstrates
the depth of the prejudice against women's separate political activity.
Women could ask for better education and protection of their property
rights, but even the most politically vociferous among them did not yet
demand full civil and political rights.
After the fall of the Bastille on 14 July 1789, politics became the order
of the day. The attack on the Bastille showed how popular political intervention
could change the course of events. When the people of Paris rose up, armed
themselves, and assaulted the royal fortress-prison in the center of Paris,
they scuttled any royal or aristocratic plans to stop the Revolution in
its tracks by arresting the deputies or closing the new National Assembly.
In October 1789 the Revolution seemed to hang in the balance once again.
In the midst of a continuing shortage of bread, rumors circulated that
the royal guards at Versailles, the palace where the King and his family
resided, had trampled on the revolutionary colors (red, white, and blue)
and plotted counterrevolution. In response, a crowd of women in Paris
gathered to march to Versailles to demand an accounting from the King.
They trudged the twelve miles from Paris in the rain, arriving soaked
and tired. At the end of the day and during the night, the women were
joined by thousands of men who had marched from Paris to join them. The
next day the crowd grew more turbulent and eventually broke into the royal
apartments, killing two of the King's bodyguards. To prevent further bloodshed,
the King agreed to move his family back to Paris.
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