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Picturing Violence: Limitations of the Medium and the Makers
Jack Censer & Lynn Hunt

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Most of the time, however, artists did not choose such moments.  While we cannot offer a complete classification of all the images made during the French Revolution, we do see three different and overlapping axes of choices available: “realistic” representation vs. caricature; pro-revolutionary vs. anti-revolutionary depiction; and images engraved at or near the moment of the event and those rendered later as historical commemoration.  Where Vivian Cameron in her essay emphasizes the differences in the types of violence portrayed, we were more struck, perhaps because writing as historians rather than art historians, by differences in overall effects of images in depicting crowd violence and their links to competing political positions.  The set of images provided for analysis to us and our co-authors is skewed toward realistic representation (which tend to be pro-revolutionary) but is more evenly divided between pro and anti-revolutionary images and immediate and “historical” ones. This set of images, interpreted through these categories, may suggest new understandings of the place of crowd violence and the response to it by the literate.6

 
Image 14. Journée du 21 Janvier 1793. [The Execution of Louis XVI]
Image 14. Journée du 21 Janvier 1793. [The Execution of Louis XVI]

We use the term “realistic” representation in order to emphasize the difference in aim from caricature, which deliberately exaggerates its effects in order to satirize its subjects.  We call “realistic” an image such as the one titled “Day of the First of Prairial, Year III” [Image 16] because it aims to narrate a particular historical moment by rendering the action in specific detail. Presumably a viewer would recognize the event from the depiction of the action as well as the setting (but also from the information in the caption).  Such images, like the Monnet-Helman “Execution of the King”[Image 14], often appeared in chronological series of prints that were intended to provide a visual narrative and commemoration of the unfolding of the Revolution. Printers began to publish them as early as 1790 under such titles as Principal Days of the French Revolution.7

In producing such prints, the engravers had in mind much more than just faithfulness to the facts.  True, they aimed to show real people engaged in real events, now passed, but each print also communicates a political agenda.8 The Monnet-Helman image of the execution of Louis XVI [Image 14] emphasizes the order of the crowd present and the acclaim the act received from the populace. In contrast, their engraving of the crowd’s attack on the National Convention in 1795 [Image 14] and of the right-wing uprising against the Convention in 1796 [Image 27] both showed the dangers of crowd violence, whether from the sans-culottes who demanded “Bread the Constitution of 1793” or from royalists and right-wingers who opposed the decree guaranteeing two-thirds of the seats in the new legislature to the outgoing deputies of the Convention. The engraving of the 13 Vendémiaire uprising [Image 27] is almost cinematic in its attempt to capture the action: clouds of smoke indicate the exchange of gunfire, dead bodies litter the ground in a way that suggests that they have just been cut down in action. A contorted horse lying dead in the foreground reinforces the impression of horrific carnage. The dog barking in the left foreground shows that the violence has not yet ended.  Although most faces are too small to reveal expressions, several show an evident fear.

Image 27. Journée du XIII Vendémiare, l'an IV, église St. Roch, rue Honoré [The Journée of 13 Vendémaire, Year 4, The St. Roch Church, Honoré Street]  
Image 27. Journée du XIII Vendémiare, l'an IV, église St. Roch, rue Honoré [The Journée of 13 Vendémaire, Year 4, The St. Roch Church, Honoré Street]  

When prints such as “Day of 13 Vendémiaire Year IV” [Image 27] are compared to those of 1789, it is evident that printmakers had become more technically proficient at representing crowd violence.  Yet the artists had hardly embraced that violence. Their task was to bring order to representations of the Revolution, and the disorder of popular violence clearly troubled many of them.  Although they developed skills in creating a kind of reality effect in rendering important scenes of crowd mobilization, they did not dwell on the most horrific and disturbing aspects of popular violence.  The soul-searing, ritualistic, and even cannibalistic faces of popular violence on view in some engravings from the early years of the Revolution, 1789-1792, such as the prints featuring the killing of Foulon and Bertier de Sauvigny or the September massacres, proved to be exceptions to the rule. These more broad-brushed and sometimes vulgar prints, usually turned out very close to the moment of the event, might be considered more “realistic” in the sense that their very simplicity of composition and clear focus on severed heads and dead bodies captured a truth about popular violence that fine art printmakers avoided. 9 Most printmakers, clearly linked to and dependent on the press produced by the educated, could recognize neither the humanity nor the inhumanity of the crowd, and they never celebrated crowd violence.

Notes

6 A more complete study of imagery from the French Revolution would attempt to gauge the relative weight of each type, but so far, such a study has proved to be very difficult because of problems of dating (most prints were published anonymously and often with no indication of date).

7 The prints of this sort we describe here are from Charles Monnet and Isidore-Stanislas Helman’s series, Principales journées de la Révolution, which consisted of 15 engravings published between 1790 and 1800. The best-known series are the Tableaux des principaux événements qui ont eu lieu dans la Révolution de France published in five different editions between 1791 and 1817.  See the catalogue, La Révolution par la gravure: Les Tableaux historiques de la Révolution française, une entreprise éditoriale d’information et sa diffusion en Europe (1791-1817) (Vizille: Musée de la Révolution française, 2002).  A useful and more detailed discussion of the Monnet-Helman print of the execution of the king can be found in Hould, p. 175.  Helman presented it to the National Convention on April 19, 1794.  He suggested displaying it in every primary school.

8 For an analysis of a more radical print artist and his aims, see Warren Roberts, “The Visual Rhetoric of Jean-Louis Prieur,” Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d’histoire, 32 (December 1997): 415-436.  Prieur drew the illustrations that were engraved by Pierre-Gabriel Berthault for the first version of the Tableaux historiques.

9 Similarly, the very crude drawings of Célestin Guittard de Floriban, found in his daily journal, evoke the horror of the guillotine in a particularly telling, if unartistic, fashion.  His little stick figures and insistence on recording the exact numbers of those killed each day capture the psychological effects of the killing much more effectively than do fine-line engravings of single executions. Raymond Aubert, ed., Journal de Célestin Guittard de Floriban, 1791-1796 (Paris: Editions France-Empire, 1974), p. 415, for example.


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